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Southerners of the nineteenth century were a religious people. Church affiliation was regarded as a badge of respectability; for both private functions and public enterprise the presence of the clergy was sought. The minister was preferred to the magistrate in the marriage ceremony, and ~ community gatherings, whether picnics or political rallies, were usually opened with prayer. Most academies and colleges had daily chapel 'services which both faculty and students were required to attend. There was sometimes a wide divergence between the preacher's message and the laity's conduct, just as there is today, but religious sanction was demanded by the righteous-always a powerful minority-approved by the lukewarm and accepted by the wicked; all felt better to have had the blessing of the church.

It was only natural, then, that Johnny Reb should be sent away to war with a benediction. A vital part of most of the going-away ceremonies in 1861 and 1862 was a talk and a prayer by a local minister. In the knapsacks of many, if not most volunteers a Bible, donated by a mother or a sweetheart, was tucked away. When the Summit Rifles left their home community in Mississippi, a pretty girl handed each man a pocket Testament that had been bought by the Summit Bible Society.¹ Frequently one of the local ministers went along to look after the company's spiritual welfare.

In spite of these auspicious beginnings, religion did not thrive in camp during the first year or two of conflict. Sunday services were held irregularly and with small attendance. Testaments collected dust from disuse; many were lost or thrown away. In some quarters the faithful few who persisted in their devotions were scorned as weaklings. One; soldier reported that a man of his encampment found reading the Bible was apt to be hailed with such remarks as "Hello, parson, you must be scared. I don't think there will be any fighting soon," or "Hello, parson, what time do you expect to start a revival?"

Troops who wintered at Cumberland Gap in 1861-1862 were not sufficiently interested in religious services to provide shelter for them. Concerning the general attitude of these men a chaplain said, "Very few of the commissioned officers were religious. The large proportion of the soldiers were wicked and many were reckless. For more than a year very few manifested any desire to become Christians save the sick or wounded."³

Throughout the army many men who at home took an active interest in church affairs lapsed into a state of indifference after a short time in the army. Some of the ministers who accompanied volunteer outfits to camp became so disheartened by the general spiritual desuetude that they despaired of their missions and went home. "Mr. Allen is going to quit the army," a Mississippian wrote in December, 1862; "he says it is an uphill and discouraging business preaching to Soldiers- I think so too-He hears nothing but the worst of language, his ears are greeted hourly with oaths."

Among the factors contributing to the spiritual indifference which distinguished camp life in 1861 and 1862 was the festive spirit with which volunteers went to war. Few of the men realized that the conflict would be long and bloody. There was a widespread inclination to lay aside the inhibitions and conventions to which they had been accustomed in order to enjoy thoroughly the respite from quiet civilian life. By a majority, perhaps, soldiering was regarded as a grand lark and they wanted to derive the greatest possible pleasure from it while it lasted. Most of the soldiers were from the country and the transition from farm to camp assumed to a large extent the character of a visit of rural youths to a city. They might have been good boys when they left, and they would be good boys after they returned, but in the meantime they wanted to have a fling at gambling, drinking and swearing, and they did not wish to be bothered with preachers.

Once this reaction got under way it was hard to stop. Chaplains were few in number and their efforts were not well organized. No agency existed for the promotion of wholesome recreation. After a while drill and camp routine became dreadfully monotonous. Fleas, lice, short rations, hard marching and ragged clothing taxed patience beyond endurance. For all these woes poker, keno, liquor and profanity appeared to offer the most convenient antidote. Those who wished earnestly for righteousness were often in despair. "I hope when you go to Pray you will think of me," wrote a discouraged Tar Heel in 1862; "1 am a pore Harted sinner and never expect to Be no other way as long as I do remain Hear for agrivation is my Brexfus Dinner and supper." ~

In the meantime church leaders of the South had come to a realization of the army's vast spiritual needs and had instituted movements that eventually were to be of tremendous influence. Among the most important of these was the setting up of agencies for the procurement and distribution of religious literature.

Shortly after the war broke out, Southern affiliates of the American Bible Society severed their connection with the parent institution and initiated the Bible Society of the Confederate States. This organization pledged itself to the publication and circulation of the scriptures among various groups, but principally among soldiers. Few Bibles were printed in the South before the war and the Confederate Bible Society had great difficulty in obtaining Testaments. Most of the Northern societies took the view that scriptures were contraband and stopped making their publications available for Southern distribution. The one great exception to the general rule was the American Bible Society. This organization made several donations of Testaments, including one of 100,000, to groups in the Confederacy active in servicing the army. Another outstanding benefactor was the British and Foreign Bible Society, which made large contributions and extended unlimited credit without interest for the purchase of Testaments.

The various Protestant denominations were active in procuring and publishing Bibles, Testaments and other literature for soldiers. Southern Presbyterians sent M. D. Hoge to Europe to solicit and purchase religious materials. People at home were asked to contribute surplus Bibles for distribution in camp. 'When soldiers were killed their families were requested to permit the donation to comrades of Testaments belonging to the deceased. Chaplains and interested troops went over battlefields to gather up Bibles left by both friend and foe.⁷ These several expedients yielded a large quantity of Bibles but never enough to meet army demands.⁸

In addition to providing Bibles, church organizations published religious periodicals for soldiers. The Evangelical Tract Society, an interdenominational body organized in 1861 at Petersburg, Virginia, which came to have a position in the South analogous to that of the American Tract Society in the North, issued the Army and Navy Messenger. The Presbyterian Board of Publication sponsored a monthly paper called the Soldier's Visitor. Southern Methodists published two semimonthly organs; the Soldier's Paper was issued from Richmond for troops in Virginia and the Carolinas, and the Army and Navy Herald from Macon, Georgia, for commands of the Southwest. Among papers

initiated by the Baptists was a sheet published in Atlanta under the name of the Soldier's Friend. These and other periodicals designed specifically for camp readers were devoted largely to reading matter calculated to create abhorrence of evils most common to army life, and to inspire soldiers to Christian living.⁹ The first issue of the Army and Navy Herald affords a good example of the general character and purpose of all. Included among article headings are these: "Come to Jesus," "A Model Boy," "The Whiskey Erysipelas," "Washington's Prayer," "The Scoffer Rebuked," and "The Soldier's Death." In an editorial the sponsors promised "to furnish the reader with such original productions and eclectic Christian literature as will in some humble measure compensate for the absence of books . . . and elevate his conceptions to the comprehension of a purer and more peaceful area than the strifes of the times." 10

The most numerous and most influential of religious publications issued to soldiers were those which came under the head of tracts. Every major sect, and several interdenominational organizations, issued these pithy leaflets in great quantity. The output of all sources totaled hundreds of millions of pages. The Baptists were particularly zealous in this work. The Virginia Sunday School and Publication Board alone published and distributed over thirty millions of pages of brochures. The Evangelical Tract Society and the South Carolina Tract Society were also exceptionally well represented in this field.¹¹

Some of the tracts were reprints of those issued to English soldiers during the Crimean War. A few consisted solely of the Psalms, of the Gospel of St. John and of various other excerpts from the scripture. But the great majority were pointed spiritual essays prepared especially for Confederate soldiers by eminent Southern theologists. The publications were pocket-size and the usual length was four pages, though some contained as many as sixteen and a few ran as high as twenty-four. Some emphasized the importance of conversion; others told how to seek religion; many warned against specific sins; a few gave practical advice as to health of body and of mind; and a great number bad as their central theme the danger of procrastination. A favorite technique was the use of personal incident and experience. Washington, Cromwell and various heroes of the Confederacy were cited as examples of Christian fortitude. Military allusions and analogies were frequently employed. The style of writing was usually unctuous.

A recurring subject of the tract writers was the evil of cursing. The title of one leaflet was Profane Swearing, and of another Why Do You Swear? The latter written by J. N. Andrews of North Carolina argued against profanity on the ground of its futility, its injury to self-respect, and its debasement of the user to the level of liars, murderers, thieves and adulterers. Still another tract captioned The Silly Fish charged the swearer with biting at the devil's bare hook on the ground that there was no possible satisfaction to be derived from the sin.

Gambling was another favorite topic. A tract entitled The Gambler's Balance Sheet listed the gains of the evil as lewd and base companions; idleness and dissipation; poverty; and mental anguish. Losses are given as: time; money-"which ought to be sent home to your wife and babies, or to an aged father or a widowed mother"; feeling-"a young man in New York not many years ago played cards on his brother's coffin"; love of truth-the gambler will try to cover up his loss by a falsehood; self-respect; character-"your friends will disown you, your mother will be ashamed of you, your sisters will blush when your name is mentioned"; happiness; and soul. The balance, according to the author, could be nothing but "ETERNAL MISERY."

Drinking was a third target for writers of tracts. One of the most pungent of the brochures on this subject was that headed Lincoln and Liquor, written allegedly by a physician. It attempted to show the inconsistency of throwing off the Lincoln yoke and at the same time becoming enslaved to drink. It attributed recent defeats to liquor and predicted blighting drouths in the Confederacy if bountiful crops continued to be used in "distilled damnation." Finally it scorned the argument advanced by some that whiskey prevented disease, protected against cold, or was beneficial to those about to go into battle.

Another tract was devoted to the subject of Depredations on Private Property. Several were slanted to capitalize on the soldiers' repeated exposure to death; Prepare for Battle was the title of one of these, and A Word of Warning for the Sick Soldier that of another. The hell-fire note was pressed in some; in Sufferings of the Lost a thorough roasting over the lake of fire and brimstone was promised in excruciating detail to unrepentant sinners.

The most popular of all the tracts was an eight-page pamphlet called A Mother's Parting Words to Her Soldier Boy. This work, by J. B. Jeter, was written in letter form. In the first year of publication about 20,000 copies were issued to soldiers. The style is direct, simple, crisp and unencumbered by the unctuous sentimentality that mars many tracts. In the beginning a good tonic for morale is administered: The mother professes to give up her son without reluctance because he goes to support a righteous cause-"The great fundamental principle of the American Revolution that all authority is derived from the consent of the governed"; if she bad ten sons she would sacrifice them with equal cheerfulness. In this sacred cause the mother implores her son to be a good soldier, obedient to his superiors and courageous in battle. She admits that the genius and spirit of Christianity are "utterly opposed to war," but says that the scriptures convince that "a just and defensive war" is not incompatible with righteousness. Then follows practical advice as to religion in camp: First, the son is urged to become a Christian lest his soul perish; but the argument is made with restraint and without appeal to fear. Second, he is admonished to keep his Christianity- "guard against drunkenness . . . as you would . . . against henbane" and avoid profanity. Third, the son is assured that piety is not effeminate-"some of the bravest soldiers of the world have been humble Christians; Cromwell, Gardiner, and Havelock . . . were as devout as they were heroic ... Washington maintained the claims of Christianity amid the demoralizing influences of the Revolution." Finally there is a benediction and a commitment of the son to the providence of the Almighty.¹²

Distribution of Bibles, tracts and other religious publications was accomplished through special agents called colporteurs, through chaplains and through interested soldiers. Usually the items were donated outright, but occasionally a small sum was required of recipients. A captain in the Twelfth Georgia Regiment testified that his company raised sixty dollars on a single day as a contribution to a regimental fund for religious literature.¹³

Hospitals were favorite resorts of colporteurs and no charge seems to have been made for literature distributed to the sick and wounded. Dearth of reading matter and the genuine interest of some in spiritual instruction made the disseminator of tracts a welcome visitor in camp.

"I had a pair of large saddle bags which I used to pack with tracts and religious newspapers, and with Bibles and Testaments. Thus equipped I would sally forth and as I drew near the camp some one would raise the cry, 'Yonder comes the Bible and tract man,' and such crowds would rush out to meet me that frequently I would sit on my horse and distribute my supply before I could even get into the camp.

The poor fellows would crowd around and beg for them as earnestly as if they were golden guineas." 14

Word got around rapidly concerning the outbreak of revivals in camp. This precipitated a rush to the front of prominent divines who welcomed an opportunity to abandon lukewarm home constituencies for eager congregations of soldiers. Such preachers as John A. Broadus, J. B. Jeter, J. B. McFerrin, Stephen Elliott, B. M. Palmer, J. C. Stiles, J. N. Waddell and a host of others equally eminent, thrilled to the response accorded their messages by tatterdemalion veterans; and by their presence and influence, as well as by the eloquence of their addresses, these men aided greatly the tide of revivalism.

Among the professions of faith received by outstanding ministers were those of Generals Bragg, Ewell, R. H. Anderson, Rodes, Pender, Paxton and Colonel Lamar.²⁵ Bishop-General Leonidas Polk in the spring of 1864 baptized Generals Hood, Hardee and Joseph E. Johnston. President Davis also became a communicant during the war. After these additions to the church, personal workers who approached lowly camp sinners were not lacking in examples to cite of lustrous association to be had in paths of righteousness.

The hard fighting about Atlanta and in the Wilderness naturally caused a decline of religious activity in the Confederacy's two principal armies. The abatement of services and the strain of campaigning were accompanied by a large-scale backsliding, though many converts were impelled to constancy by the ever-present prospect of death. In the Trans-Mississippi Department, where military duties were less arduous, revivals continued into the summer of 1864. The winter of 1864-1865 witnessed a renewal of religious interest in the Army of Northern Virginia. About sixty chapels were built along the lines about Petersburg. and J. W. Jones expressed the opinion that revivals among Lee's troops during the last winter of conflict were as general and as powerful as at any prior time.²⁷ This conclusion may be correct, but it is probably not applicable to other commands. Certainly it was not true of the Army of Tennessee where Hood's disastrous Nashville campaign interfered greatly with the religious program. For the Confederacy as a whole the peak of revivalism was attained in the winter of 1863-1864.

Evangelistic outbreaks in the army seem to have been of a restrained character emotionally. Certainly they were accompanied by much less bombast than some of the revivals in hinterland areas earlier in the century. There were no evidences of such phenomena as "barking" or "jerking"; and very few correspondents mention the ecstatic hollering known as "shouting" so common at "big meetings" before and after the war. Perhaps audiences made up largely of hard-bitten campaigners were less susceptible than civilian congregations to such fervid exercises. Few camp ministers attempted to work up an emotional lather ₅mong their hearers. Seekers of religion were rarely brought to a mourners' bench and subjected to long sessions of praying, high-pressure exhorting and beating on the back. The most common procedure was for the declarations of repentance and faith to be made by the simple expedient of walking up to the rostrum and shaking hands with the preacher.

The factors that gave rise to large-scale revivalism among Confederates afford interesting ground for speculation, particularly in view of the fact that Federal armies experienced no such phenomenon. As has been previously indicated, one significant cause for the first series of eruptions in 1863 was the success at that time of efforts of Southern churches to provide the army with tracts and preachers. To a large extent the spiritual awakening was the result of extensive and well-organized denominational propaganda; and in a sense, the revival thus launched persisted for the war's duration, the recurrent waves being but variations of its intensity.

A second cause is to be found in the character of the Southern soldiery. Most wearers of the gray came from communities where the church was fervid, aggressive, and influential, and where revivals were common. True, there was a reaction against religion when men first went to camp, but by the beginning of 1863, this had exhausted itself and the normal susceptibility to evangelism had been restored.

A third and a very important cause lay in the state of mind which pervaded both the army and the citizenry after the second year of conflict. In 1861, 1862 and early 1863, optimism was rampant. Confederate armies were winning great victories and suffering few defeats. These successes, coupled with prospects of European recognition, seemed to assure triumph and independence. The favor of God was sought and acknowledged, but extreme confidence in human endeavor tended to belittle reliance on divinity, or make its expression perfunctory.

The series of setbacks that began with Gettysburg and Vicksburg produced a marked change of attitude. Both civilians and soldiers began to question the invincibility of Southern arms. Churches began to sound the note that military defeats were punishments inflicted by the Almighty as a rebuke to sin and to overweening reliance on the strength of man. The feeling gained wide currency that God would not permit the South to triumph unless and until her people humbled themselves, did genuine penance, and committed themselves to the keeping of providence.²⁸ This sentiment was particularly strong when the shock of military reversals first came, and it is significant that evangelism reached its peak immediately after Gettysburg and Vicksburg.

A fourth and final factor contributing to revivalism was the increasing prospect of death, which confronted soldiers as tile war went into its last years. Veterans who saw regiments dwindle in strength from hundreds to handfuls could not escape the realization that their chances of surviving the bloody battles yet to be fought were slim. The urge was strong, therefore, to escape damnation and to gain assurance of eternal peace by getting religion. From this and from other motives vast numbers of Rebs answered the call to salvation. According to a preacher-historian who made an extensive study of army revivals, no less than 150,000 soldiers made professions of faith during the war.

Religious services in the Confederate Army consisted largely of preaching and prayer meetings. The usual time of the former was Sunday morning, but the demands of campaigning and a shortage of chaplains caused frequent changes in the schedule. When the army was on the march all services had to be held at night. In such instances the minister took his place in the open, with his congregation clustered about him on stumps, logs, or on the ground. Illumination was afforded by a flickering campfire or by the moon.

Prayer meetings were more frequent than sermons. They were usually held at night. Scripture reading, hymn singing and prayer usually constituted the bulk of the service. Occasionally there was a brief commentary on some Biblical passage or spiritual topic. These meetings were led by chaplains, missionaries, or visiting ministers when they were available, but in the absence of preachers some layman would be called on to direct the exercises.

Sometimes the meetings were very small and informal, having as their participants the six or eight men composing a mess, or other groups drawn together by convenience and congeniality. During periods of active campaigning chaplains often assembled their flocks very early in the morning for a brief session of prayer and scripture reading prior to the beginning of march. 'When a battle was immediately impending religious leaders attempted to invoke a benediction on troops before they went into action.

In a number of instances prayer meetings became the objects of enemy fire. Such situations produced a severe strain on religious faith. Robert Stiles told of the opening of Federal batteries on a service held during the Seven Days' campaign. When shells began to fall near by, Stiles peeked about to note the effects on the kneeling men. The simple-hearted worshipers felt that it would be sacrilegious for them either to open their eyes or to get up while prayer was in progress, yet their faith was not so great as to prevent their seeking shelter. Much to the amusement of their spying observer, therefore, they began to crawl about on hands and knees with eyes still closed, groping for trees, stumps, or any other available cover.³⁰

During periods of revival, experience meetings were common. At these assemblages Christians would arise, either of their own initiative or on invitation of a leader, and tell of their spiritual experiences. If they were recent converts, their remarks would usually have to do with factors leading to profession of faith and the feeling which ensued as a result of their renunciation of evil. If sinners were present they might be given an opportunity to request the prayers of righteous comrades.

Every season of revival was accompanied by a succession of baptizings. These were usually featured by songs and prayers, but the main ceremony was the administration of the baptismal rites. If the candidates were members of denominations requiring immersion, a stream or lake had to be sought by those in charge of the service.

Sunday schools were also held in many camps. At one time it was reported that every company in Dole's Brigade of Lee's army had a Bible class. Sometimes these gatherings were conducted by a leader on a formal basis, in other instances they consisted simply of a group of worshipers gathering to hear the reading of a Testament by one of their comrades.³¹

Priests were active among troops who came from Catholic communities. When circumstances would permit, services were held each morning in tents used exclusively for religious exercises.

An Englishman who served in the Army of Northern Virginia during the early months of the war said that he frequently saw "General Beauregard and other officers kneeling with scores of privates at the Holy Communion Table." This authority paid particularly high tribute to the work of the Jesuits.⁸²

In most services singing played an important role. Some of the tract societies compiled favorite hymns of the various denominations and issued them to the soldiers in pocket-size booklets. Among the most popular of songbooks were these: The Army Hymn Book, consisting of 191 selections, issued by the Richmond Presbyterian Cornmittee of Publications; The Soldier's Hymn Book published by the South Carolina Tract Society, which in the second edition included 271 songs; and Hymns for the Camp, published by an unidentified agency and consisting in the third edition of 151 numbers.⁸³ Most of the selections were of a purely religious character, but patriotic songs were occasionally included. One booklet of Confederate imprint contained "America," without benefit of title, and for the phrase "Land of the Pilgrim's pride" the publisher substituted "Land of the Southron's pride?' Other instances of specific adaptation to Confederate use are indicated by this stanza of a hymn classified under "Praise and Thanksgiving":

...........and by a verse of a song set to the tune of "God Save the King":

"Our loved Confederacy,

May God remember thee

And warfare stay;

May he lift up his hand

And smite the oppressor's hand

While our true patriots stand With bravery." 84

The favorite hymns of camp and field were not those contrived for the moment, but rather the old songs endeared by associations of home and childhood. Ranking particularly high in soldier esteem were such hymns as these: "All Hail the Power of Jesus' Name," "Amazing Grace, How Sweet the Sound," "How Firm a Foundation," "Jesus, Lover of My Soul," "Just As I Am, Without One Plea," "Nearer My God to Thee," "O Happy Day," "On Jordan's Stormy Banks I Stand," "Praise God from Whom All Blessings Flow," "Rock of Ages," "There Is a Fountain Filled with Blood," and "When I Survey the Wondrous Cross." 86

To promote spiritual fellowship and religious constancy "Christian Associations" were formed in many brigades. In addition to sponsoring services these organizations set up committees to distribute tracts, to organize prayer groups, and to perform various other helpful functions.³⁶ In some commands soldiers banded themselves together to oppose the use of strong drink. A convert to moderation wrote thus to his home folk:

"I thank you very kindly for sending me the things . . . The whiskey you may depend will be used moderately as I belong to the Temperance society of whom Gen Braxton Bragg is president."

In most army services, denominationalism was minimized. On one occasion a visiting minister reported: ⁴ We had a Presbyterian sermon, introduced by Baptist services, under the direction of a Methodist chaplain, in an Episcopal church." But it was difficult for preachers who were steeped in sectarianism to avoid offending soldiers sensitive to doctrinal differentiation.

"I heard a sermoned the other night," wrote a Mississippi Baptist; "the preacher was a missionary and of corse preached Methodist doctrine but it is not my business to criticisize."

A Reb of unknown affiliation made this guarded thrust at a Christian chaplain: "The Boys are taking fast with the Camelite persuation.... The preacher talks good sense and if He is right that is certainly an easy way to get to Heaven." 40

Ministers who exhorted soldiers varied considerably in character and ability. The compensation provided by the government was not enough to attract men of talent. The law of May 31, 1861, authorizing President Davis to appoint and assign such chaplains as he thought necessary, provided a monthly salary of eighty-five dollars, and no allowances were made for food, clothing or other expenses. Two weeks later the stipend was reduced to fifty dollars. In the autumn of 1861 legislation was modified to permit chaplains to draw the same rations as privates. An act of April 19, 1862, raised compensation to eighty dollars and continued the ration allowance. In January 1864 Congress belatedly made provision for chaplains to draw forage for their horses.⁴'

Men with families-and preachers were no exception to the rule of the period in the matter of large families-could not begin to provide for them from such meager salaries, and when pay was reduced from the original eighty-five to fifty dollars, many chaplains resigned and returned to their homes.⁴² But some managed to get along by frugal living and by supplementing their salaries from other sources.

The life of a chaplain who worked conscientiously at his job was an arduous one. His usual constituency was a regiment, though in some Instances a single preacher attempted to serve a brigade. In addition to holding services he attempted to talk individually with Christians to bolster their faith, and with sinners to persuade them to salvation; some kept records on every man under their charge in which they set down data as to home circumstances, church connections, change of religious status and other information pertinent to performance of their duties. Care and consolation of the sick and wounded was an important part of the chaplain's work. He had to write to the families of bedridden soldiers telling of their condition; in case of death, he addressed words of comfort to the bereaved. Illiterate Rebs often asked him to take down halting dictation of home messages. In some instances the camp minister took upon himself the organization and teaching of classes in reading and writing.⁴³

The faithful chaplain shared the hardships of his flock. During periods of active campaigning he slept on the ground under the open sky. His fare was the scant ration issued to private soldiers. Some ministers had horses, but there were many who marched shoulder to shoulder with veteran infantrymen. When fighting began the chaplain usually took a position near the ambulances or the field hospital in order to have ready access to the wounded.

Dr. Charles Todd Quintard, of the First Tennessee Regiment, one of the most distinguished of all army ministers, was trained in medicine as well as in theology; when he moved among the wounded he filled the double role of doctor and preacher.⁴⁴

In many instances chaplains thus engaged were exposed to Federal fire. Some, indeed, insisted on taking weapons and joining in the conflict.⁴⁵ At Chancellorsville, T. L. Duke, chaplain of the Nineteenth Mississippi Regiment, grabbed a musket, moved to the forefront of the line, and directed the movement of skirmishers.⁴⁶

According to a newspaper report, Parson Brady of Tappan's Regiment, in an action near Columbus, Kentucky, shot a couple of Yankees and slashed the throat of another with his knife. His excitement then became so great that he forgot his ministerial vows and rushed after the retreating foe yelling, "Go to Hell, you damned sons of bitches"; this lapse caused him no end of teasing by the soldiers.⁴⁷ Several chaplains were cited in official reports for gallantry under fire, and a few were killed in action.⁴⁸

The chaplain who braved the dangers of battle, whether with or without arms, lifted himself greatly in the esteem of the rank and file. R. H. McKim, who during the war laid aside the musket, took up the prayer book and assumed the chaplaincy of a Virginia cavalry regiment, related the following incident from his own experience. When the

regiment moved forward to battle for the first time after he joined it, he took a position in the advancing column. This was a shock to the men and one called out:

"Hello, Parson, are you going with us into battle?"

"Oh. yes," replied McKim good-humoredly, "I'm an old infantry soldier-I don't mind these little cavalry skirmishes."

At this remark, a hard veteran rose in his stirrups, brandished his saber and yelled, "That's right, Parson. You stick to us, and we'll stick to you!"

And from that time, according to McKim, this rough trooper was a faithful friend.⁴⁰

There were some chaplains who lacked learning, and others who lacked zeal; a few were deficient in both. The hardships of camp life eliminated the unconscientious, but in the early months of the war their number was considerable. An Englishman who had firsthand acquaintance with camp life said that a horde of incompetent ministers came to Richmond in the spring and summer of 1861 and were "saddled off on our regiments." These he characterized as "long-jawed, loud-mouthed ranters . . . offensively loquacious upon every topic of life, save men's salvation," and some of them "betrayed alarming proficiency in handling cards at a social game of poker." Such men, he said, "were seldom or never found administering to the sick or dying" and were rarely seen holding services; fortunately for the soldiers their sojourn in camp was comparatively brief.⁵⁰

Native Rebs had occasion now and then to find fault with their spiritual guardians. "We have in our company two parsons," wrote a Mississippian in his diary; "truth forbids that I should say they are eminent or even thoroughly posted upon Biblical questions -...The progress of religion amongst us is greatly impeded by this embarrassing fact." 51

A Virginian complained that the regimental preacher "spoiled his sermon by whining & gasping it out.""

Other soldiers denounced their chaplains on the score of cowardice. "We got into a little row with the 'Yanks' a few days ago," wrote an Alabamian, "and our parson took to his heels when the shells commenced flying and I have not seen him since."

A Reb who participated in the Atlanta campaign noted that while lighting was in progress the ministers attached to his brigade forsook the troops and went to the rear where they loitered about with cooks and quartermasters Surely," he said, 'they will meet their reward"

Some of the best and most effective preaching to which soldiers listened was that which came from officers active in the service. Bishop General Leonidas Polk was able on occasion to exhort the men of his command. General William N. Pendleton, whom the rank and file credited with the exploit at Manassas of drawing a bead on the enemy and remarking, "Lord preserve the soul while I destroy the body," held services rather frequently during winter months. A sergeant who heard him speak in a log tabernacle in December 1864 wrote afterward: "I never listened to more solemn & impressing remarks." General M. P. Lowrey and Captain Lewis Ball of Mississippi also preached to army audiences on numerous occasions The former was a minister of notable eloquence.⁵⁷

Sermons delivered to camp audiences, whether by chaplains, officers, or visitors, were usually couched in simple terms. Subjects receiving most frequent attention were the necessity of repentance, the uncertainty of life, the consequences of sin, the terrors of hell, the importance of Christian vigilance, the omnipotence of God, and the universality of divine mercy.

The diary of Bartlett Malone, a North Carolinian of Lee's army who faithfully jotted down texts used by camp preachers, reveals a close relation between camp sermons and military vicissitudes. In the spring of 1862 while McClellan's army was being assembled for the march on Richmond, Malone recorded listening to a discourse centering about 2 Kings 6:15-17-"Beho1d an host compassed the city both with horses and chariots. And his servant said unto him, Alas, my master! How shall we do? And he answered, Fear not: for they that be with us are more than they that be with them. And Elisha prayed and, behold, the mountain was full of horses and chariots of fire round about Elisha." With what assurance must the minister have drawn a parallel between Elisha and the hard-pressed Confederates!

Shortly after the great Southern victory at Fredericksburg in December 1862, Malone heard a sermon on Psalms 126:3-"The Lord hath done great things for us; whereof we are glad." On the eve of the eventful Chancellorsville-Gettysburg campaign of 1863, the Tar Heel was impressed by an exhortation based on Proverbs l8: 24 -"There is a friend that sticketh closer than a brother." And on the very day of Stonewall Jackson's death a minister consoled Malone and his crushed associates with a message having as its text Romans 8: 28-"And we know that all things work together for good to them that love God." ~

Some officers manifested indifference toward religious activities, and a few openly opposed them. A brigadier general allegedly declared that chaplains were "the scourge of the army" and occasionally a colonel protested that emphasis on fear of divine punishment is detrimental to men in combat.⁵⁹ But the great majority of leaders approved of spiritual exercises. President Davis periodically ordered the observance of fast days. Lee and other commanding generals repeatedly enjoined unnecessary interference with Sunday services. The encouragement given by officers to the work of chaplains derived in great part from their own spiritual inclinations. But they undoubtedly attributed to religious influence a salutary effect on the rank and file, particularly in such practical matters as discipline, morale and conduct under fire.⁶° If the leaders were correct in this view-and there seems to be no valid ground for challenging it-it is indeed regrettable that backsliding was as common as it was, and that a majority of Confederates made no profession of faith and had no church affiliation.'¹

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